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Summary
Background
Chapter Summaries & Analyses
Key Figures
Themes
Index of Terms
Important Quotes
Essay Topics
Tools
Though the Civil Rights Act federally outlawed segregation and race-based discrimination, many cities in the South were openly hostile toward integration. One such city was Selma, Alabama, where the local government was connected to the white supremacist White Citizens’ Councils. Selma’s sheriff, James Clark, was a staunch supporter of segregation and wore a “‘Never’ (integrate) button,” openly signaling his opposition to civil rights and racial equality (175). Clark and his policemen employed violence to intimidate Black people from registering to vote or protesting segregation. One particularly brutal episode occurred on February 18, 1965, when police attacked hundreds of Black protestors who had planned a civil rights march. During the subsequent fighting, Jimmie Lee Jackson was murdered by a policeman when he tried to protect his mother from being beaten.
Jackson’s murder brought racial tensions in Selma to a boiling point. In response, Martin Luther King Jr. called for a march from Selma to Montgomery to commemorate Jackson and protest ongoing police brutality and racist violence. On the day of the march, protestors were quickly met by a line of police officers who were ordered to put an end to the protest. When the protestors refused to back down, the police viciously attacked the marchers—an event now known as “Bloody Sunday.” News outlets broadcasted images of the police violence, leading to a national outcry over the South’s continuing segregationist policies.
King planned a second march that would take place two weeks later, and activists from around the country traveled to Selma to participate in it. In response, Congressman William Dickinson attempted to discredit the protestors by spreading rumors that depicted them as “sex fiends” (175). According to Dickinson, the activists were paid to participate in the Selma march, and they were only there to engage in interracial sex and public orgies. Dickinson published alleged proof of his claims in the book Sex and Civil Rights: The True Selma Story. The book contains accounts from state troopers as well as doctored photographs that depict the alleged deviant sexual acts. Dickinson’s attempts to stir up rage over the civil rights protestors created an atmosphere of paranoia. Amid this sexual panic, Ku Klux Klan members murdered white activist Viola Liuzzo for riding in the same car as a Black man.
Despite resistance to integration, civil rights activists continued to make progress throughout the 1960s. In 1965, white Mississippian Norman Cannon was quickly arrested and tried for raping a Black woman—a stark contrast to the past in which police officers would turn a blind eye to white men raping Black women. In 1967, Richard Loving and Mildred Jeter launched a federal lawsuit against Virginia’s miscegenation laws. Such laws forbade interracial marriage and supported white men’s rights over Black women’s bodily autonomy. Loving and Jeter were forced to leave their native Virginia for having an interracial marriage. With the support of the American Civil Liberties Union, Loving and Jeter won a case against Virginia in the Supreme Court, which caused miscegenation laws to be struck down throughout the nation.
In Chapter 8, McGuire describes the trial of Joan Little, which occurred in North Carolina in 1974. Nearly 10 years after such landmark legislation as the Civil Rights Act and the Voting Rights Act passed, the South had yet to fully implement integration. A “white backlash” occurred throughout the South in the late 1960s, and many Southerners supported the openly racist George Wallace in the 1968 and 1972 presidential elections (205).
Amid these ongoing racial tensions was the case of Joan Little in the rural town of Washington, North Carolina. In August 1974, the imprisoned Little murdered her jailer, Clarence Alligood, with an ice pick before escaping from jail. While the police believed Little had plotted to kill Alligood, she maintained that she killed him in self-defense after he raped her. While on the run, Little was put in touch with white civil rights attorney Jerry Paul, who “helped her surrender” and planned to defend her in the ensuing trial (203).
In the months leading up to the trial, Paul continually publicized Little’s case, portraying it as part of a long history of racialized sexual violence in the South. Little’s story resonated with both civil rights activists and feminist activists, who launched anti-rape campaigns throughout the early 1970s. After Angela Davis published an article about Little in the women’s magazine Ms., Little’s case received national attention. Organizations began forming throughout the country to raise money for her legal fund. The prosecution, meanwhile, attempted to slander Little’s reputation, focusing on her previous arrests for armed robberies and describing her as a “sexually deviant delinquent” (210).
Before the start of the trial, Paul successfully argued that it must be moved to Raleigh, North Carolina, because the media attention surrounding the trial made it impossible to find an unbiased jury in Washington. Paul also hired a group of social scientists to argue that a fair jury must include individuals from diverse backgrounds. Usually, juries in the South were all white and all male. Paul’s defense of Little focused on asking Little’s fellow female inmates to testify that Alligood and other jailers sexually harassed other female inmates.
When Little took the stand, she described every moment of her rape in exhaustive detail, as well as the fear she felt throughout it. In the closing argument, Paul read aloud from a text written by an anonymous Black woman in 1902, which described the ways Black women were unfairly treated by white men. Paul’s appeal to the long history of racism in the South was successful. The “jury unanimously voted to acquit Joan Little” (225). The successful defense of Little was seen by many as an affirmation of recent feminist attempts “to redefine rape as a crime of violence,” as well as a step toward full racial equality in the South (226).
In the Epilogue, McGuire describes her meeting with Recy Taylor in 2009, whose rape by six white men in Abbeville, Alabama, is described in Chapter 1. McGuire spoke with Taylor in Abbeville on the same day that Barack Obama was inaugurated as “the country’s first black president” (229). Taylor only left Abbeville for a few years and otherwise lived near her rapists for her entire life.
McGuire spoke with many of Taylor’s family members, who described how the trauma of Taylor’s rape affected their lives. For years after the trial, Taylor lived in fear that her rapists would kill her in retaliation for reporting their crime. Taylor’s father was furious with the police over their treatment of Taylor, though he never directly confronted them due to his fears of being lynched. While Taylor’s family and many Black residents vividly remembered the trial, Abbeville’s white community denied that the rape ever occurred.
McGuire closes the Epilogue by describing Taylor watching Michelle Obama at the inauguration. McGuire suggests that Michelle Obama’s ability to become the First Lady was largely due to the work of numerous Black women such as Taylor, whose decades-long fight against white supremacy and sexual violence remains unacknowledged.
In the book’s final chapters, McGuire considers the legacies of the civil rights movement. The “culminating achievement of the modern civil rights movement,” McGuire notes, is often considered to be Lyndon B. Johnson’s 1965 Voting Rights Act, which protects African Americans from the discriminatory practices that prevented them from fully participating in elections (xxi). McGuire argues, however, that the Supreme Court case Loving v. Virginia should be considered one of the greatest milestones of the civil rights movement because of the role that sexual violence played in upholding Jim Crow laws.
In Loving v. Virginia, the Supreme Court struck down laws nationwide that prohibited miscegenation and interracial marriages. These laws originated from the colonial era and harshly criminalized Black men who had sex with white women while tacitly allowing the rape of Black women by white men. As McGuire shows throughout At the Dark End of the Street, this hypocritical attitude toward interracial sexuality persisted throughout the 20th-century Jim Crow era. While white supremacists terrorized Black men into following segregation through lynching and sexual violence, Black women were frequently raped as a reminder of their lack of bodily autonomy. By declaring the legality of interracial marriage, Loving v. Virginia formed one of the final “nail[s] in Jim Crow’s coffin” (201). By focusing on Loving v. Virginia, McGuire is attempting to undo some of The Erasure of Women’s Roles in Civil Rights.
In Chapter 8, McGuire explores the lasting effects of the civil rights movement through the 1975 trial of Joan Little. Joan Little’s story begins in a similar way to the stories of Recy Taylor and Betty Jean Owens: Little was raped by a white man, her jailer. At first, media outlets denigrated Little, describing her as a promiscuous criminal who deliberately seduced her jailer to murder him and escape from prison. However, Little’s attorney, Jerry Paul, argued that Little was a victim of racialized sexual violence, generating a national campaign of support for her. While an all-white and all-male jury repeatedly declined to indict Taylor’s rapists with any charges, a diverse jury acquitted Little of murder charges, affirming her right to use self-defense against a rapist. McGuire sees Little’s acquittal as emblematic of a drastic change in society’s attitude toward Black women. Black women who speak out against sexual assault are no longer demonized as liars by a white legal system, and Little’s case underlines The Importance of Testimony in Fighting Sexual Assault.
Little’s “victory” was taken by numerous activists as a sign that centuries-old “Dixie Racism” had finally been vanquished in the South (228), and McGuire ends the book by drawing a direct line between Black women’s activism in the midcentury and the election of Barack Obama in 2008. While racism remains a problem in the United States—one that McGuire explores in her other work about police violence, for example—she celebrates the end of Jim Crow and the milestones that have been achieved since Little’s trial.
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