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Controlling images are stereotypes about Black women used to justify intersectional oppression. Key among these stereotypes are the images of the mammy, the matriarch, the Black welfare mother, and the Black sex worker. Each of these images defines Black women’s identities and social roles in ways that limit their freedom and potential. These images perpetuate themselves not only through interpersonal relations but through powerful institutions such as government organizations, the media, and schools. Controlling images are so pervasive that even many Black people internalize and perpetuate them. The image of the mammy—the loyal, hardworking, and deferential servant—exemplifies this tendency: “By teaching Black children their assigned place in White power structures, Black women who internalize the mammy image potentially become effective conduits for perpetuating racial oppression” (73).
Controlling images are contradictory and thus hold Black women to impossible standards. Mammies, for instance, are expected to spend long hours performing care work for their white employers, which takes them away from their husbands and children. By contrast, matriarchs are criticized for leaving their husbands and children to work outside the home. Mammies are expected to be meek, while matriarchs criticized for being strong. As Collins notes, Black women must navigate both stereotypes: “African-American women who must work encounter pressures to be submissive mammies in one setting, then are stigmatized again as matriarchs for being strong figures in their own homes” (78). The labels and expectations not only impact Black women’s confidence, but also erode their ability to confront oppression.
Collins argues that controlling images have been central to the intersectional oppression of Black women since slavery:
From the mammies, jezebels, and breeder women of slavery to the smiling Aunt Jemimas on pancake mix boxes, ubiquitous Black prostitutes, and ever-present welfare mothers of contemporary popular culture, negative stereotypes applied to African-American women have been fundamental to Black women's oppression (5).
Each controlling image serves a unique function in justifying oppressive social structures. The welfare mother, for instance, has too many children and lacks the skills and will to support them, thereby placing undue burden on social services. The image of the welfare mother is “lazy.” Worse, she passes this trait down to her many children. As Collins notes, the welfare mother image blames Black mothers for Black poverty, while neglecting the societal factors contributing to economic inequality, such as racism and sexism: “Creating the controlling image of the welfare mother and stigmatizing her as the cause of her own poverty and that of African American communities shifts the angle of vision away from structural sources of poverty and blames the victims themselves” (80). The image of the welfare mother evolved in the 1980s into the more pernicious image of the welfare queen: Black mothers receiving public benefits were vilified as lazy, promiscuous, and greedy, as Ronald Reagan and others used this trope to justify government cuts to social welfare, such as food stamps and housing subsidies. Other controlling images serve similar functions. For example, the mammy, the first controlling image of Black women in the US, emerged during slavery to justify the exploitation of Black women’s labor. The image evolved after emancipation to explain the long-standing restriction of Black women to domestic service. The mammy image continues to harm Black women, who are expected to “exhibit deferential behavior” (73) before white people.
Black women have a long-resisted oppression and empowered themselves against racist, sexist, and classist ideologies. In an 1831 speech, Maria Stewart urged Black women to “Awake! Arise!” and show the world that they are “endowed with noble and exalted faculties” (98). As Collins observes, Stewart’s words speak to a nascent Black women’s consciousness, recognizing that, in the face of so many controlling images, resistance to oppression must begin with self-definition. Rather than being defined as mammies, matriarchs, welfare mothers, and other negative stereotypes devised by dominant groups, Black women foster self-definition in a variety of contexts.
Black women’s literature and music are key sites of self-definition. In Zora Neale Hurston’s Their Eyes Were Watching God (1937), Nanny resists controlling images of Black women as “mules” and “breeders.” In Ann Allen Shockley’s Loving Her (1974) Renay leaves both her abusive husband and her lesbian lover to pursue self-definition. In Toni Morrison’s The Bluest Eye (1970) Pecola addresses self-definition by resisting white standards of beauty, a theme that echoes the lyrics of Sara Martin’s “Mean, Tight Mama” (1929). Indeed, Black women blues singers often engaged in resistance and self-definition. In addition to Martin, Collins cites Nina Simone’s “Four Women” (1985) to support this claim. Simone sings about three controlling images—the “mule,” the sex worker, and the “rape victim”—before introducing a powerful fourth woman who decries racial oppression.
Collins identifies Black homes as important sites of resistance. Black mothers empower their daughters by instilling in them a sense of self-worth, as well as passing on everyday knowledge necessary for survival: “Despite the dangers, mothers routinely encourage Black daughters to develop skills to confront oppressive conditions” (184). Collins argues that Black women “see their work as both contributing to their children’s survival and instilling values that will encourage their children to reject their ‘place’ and strive for more” (185).
Black women create safe spaces to resist oppression and develop love bonds with members of their families and communities. These safe spaces include family networks, churches, and community institutions that serve to counter the often-oppressive power of dominant institutions. Where dominant institutions reject Black women’s knowledge as invalid, community institutions serve as a means to validate what Collins describes as a Black feminist epistemology. Scholars and activists can participate in this form of resistance by nurturing self-reliance and empowerment among younger generations. Citing the civil rights activist Ella Baker, Collins stresses the importance of teaching students to think for themselves as a way of empowering them. She also describes the importance of a Black feminist epistemology in resisting oppression:
Alternative epistemologies challenge all certified knowledge and open up the question of whether what has been taken to be true can stand the test of alternative ways of validating truth. The existence of a self-defined Black women’s standpoint using Black feminist epistemology calls into question the content of what currently passes as truth and simultaneously challenges the process of arriving at that truth (271).
Collins stresses the role of activism in empowering Black women. Empowerment requires not just changing the consciousness of Black women, but also transforming oppressive social institutions. Public activism can foster institutional change. As Collins stresses, however, activism does not require participating in unions, political groups, demonstrations, and other activities dominated by men. Black women can also engender change through everyday resistance, self-definition, and self-valuation.
Collins highlights the communal and multifaceted definitions of motherhood in Black communities by describing the intertwined roles of what she terms “bloodmothers” and “othermothers”—women who perform care work and mentorship for those who are not their biological children. These roles can be powerful sites of resistance to oppression, as both bloodmothers and othermothers pass down Black women’s knowledge and teach self-definition in defiance of controlling images.
Lacking the resources and opportunities to confront oppressive institutions directly, most Black women engage in daily struggles for group survival. This does not mean that all Black women eschew conventional forms of activism, such as boycotts and demonstrations—in fact, Black women have long participated in public activism to bringing about institutional change—but where Collins describes those forms of activism as dominated by men, she notes that Black women build powerful centers of influence in their own homes and communities. Unlike conventional activism, Black women’s activism does not directly challenge oppressive structures. Black domestics do not engage in collective lobbying to improve their work conditions, nor do they go on strike for better pay. Instead, they resist in unconventional ways. According to Collins, Black women’s activism supports conventional forms of activism. Both are necessary for social change.
Collins argues that mothering is central to Black women’s activism: “Black women’s motherwork reflects how political consciousness can emerge within everyday lived experience. In this case, Black women’s participation in a constellation of mothering activities […] often fosters a distinctly political sensibility” (209). Othermothers foster community and group responsibility by taking care of other women’s children. This extends beyond kin to include all Black children. The use of “family language” when referring to Black children exemplifies the importance of community to othermothers. “Family language” emphasizes the links Black women have to Black children, as well as their responsibilities to these children as members of the Black community.
Black women use different strategies to undermine oppressive institutions, ranging from the private actions of individual mothers in their homes to the organized group behavior of women’s groups. As the primary caretakers of children, bloodmothers and othermothers are well-positioned to engender change by refusing to pass on oppressive images: “Many Black women confined to underpaid, demanding menial jobs resist passing on to their children externally defined images […] Rather, they use their families as effective Black female spheres of influence to foster their children’s self-valuation and self-reliance” (210). The centrality of Black women in Black family networks allows them to exert political power without appearing to do so.
The traditional form of women’s activism within the family dovetails with broader forms of Black women’s activism, notably, the emphasis on education. Black mothers and othermothers value education as “a powerful symbol of the important connections among self, change, and empowerment in African-American communities” (210). Many educated Black women pursue careers in education. Mothers and othermothers also promote education, defining it as “a cornerstone of Black community development” (210). Black mothers and othermothers support children’s education because they view it as “an entity to be shared” (211). As Collins notes, educating the Black community has become entwined with “race uplift” (211). As long as Black women’s oppression exists, Black women’s activism will remain necessary. Responding to shifting intersecting oppressions requires a rigorous and dynamic Black women’s activism.
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