Harvest of Empire: A History of Latinos in America

Gonzalez refers to Juan Seguín as the forgotten Father of Latin American politics. In 1836, Seguín joined the revolution in Texas against the Mexican General Santa Anna, who had stripped the Mexican people of their constitution. Seguín was at the Alamo, but he had been sent out of the fort with a message before Santa Anna arrived and killed everyone at the fort. Seguín later fought with Sam Houston in defeating Santa Anna at the Battle of Jacinto. His exploits in battle led to political office.

However, despite gaining office by being elected senator of the Texas Republic and, for several terms, mayor of San Antonio: “In 1842, Anglo newcomers chased him from office at gunpoint, seized his land, and forced him to flee to Mexico, making him the last Hispanic mayor of San Antonio until Henry Cisneros took office 140 years later” (167).

Gonzalez uses Seguín as a central figure in Chapter 10 to show that the political power of Latinos, long dormant, has awakened. Seguín can be seen as a rallying cry for Latino Americans, who are re-discovering their political voice: “The political influence of Hispanic Americans is growing at breakneck speed. Between 1976 and 2008, the number of Hispanic Americans registered to vote climbed by 460%—from 2.5 million to 11.6 million” (168).

In 1822, President Monroe proclaimed the Monroe Doctrine, in which Monroe announced to the world that Latin America was off limits to further annexation and colonialization from Europe. This was hailed by Latin American countries as evidence that they would finally be able to grow and develop in peace. However, that peace was short-lived, as it was clear that the Monroe Doctrine would not pertain to the United States, which would continue to seek advantage beyond its borders by taking Latin American lands. Those American expansionists who crossed the border with the intention of settling land, and demanding the rights to those lands, became known as “filibusteros.”

William Walker was “perhaps the foremost representative of those expansionists” (47). Walker, a doctor, lawyer, and journalist from Tennessee, “appeared in November 1853 in Baja California with a small band of armed followers. From there, he launched an uprising in Mexico’s Sonora province, proclaimed the Republic of Sonora, and named himself its president” (47).

Walker was soon driven out by Mexican troops and then arrested by US officials, but this did not deter him. His exploits were roundly supported by other filibusteros and expansionists. Walker then tried to do something similar in Nicaragua. In 1855, he landed in Nicaragua again with a group of armed followers, and quickly took control of the country and “in one of the most bizarre episodes of Latin American history, declared himself president” (50). During his two years as president, more than 11,000 Americans settled in Nicaragua.

The force behind these filibusteros was US investors, who were competing to own the lucrative transportation business in the area. Before the Panama Canal was built, trade from New York to San Francisco had to travel across the Central America isthmus using a variety of rail lines and steamships. Walker’s expansionist efforts played into the hands of rival US companies who were vying for control in the area, with one faction supplying Walker with weapons and money and another rival faction organizing an army from neighboring countries, including Costa Rica and Honduras: “Both Walker and the Nicaraguans, […] were actually pawns in a nefarious high-stakes contest for control of the region’s commerce by competing groups of U.S. investors” (50).

An example of how the United States was directly responsible for allowing brutal dictators to take office and keep office despite a clear record of horrific human rights abuses is Rafael Leónidas Trujillo. Trujillo ruled the Dominican Republic from 1930 until he was assassinated in 1961. The CIA was aided in his assassination after Trujillo’s outrageous brutality became so brazen that he plotted the assassination of the Venezuelan president.

The Dominican Republic became a financial protectorate of the United States in 1905 when the US took over the foreign debt amassed by the Dominican Republic during the rule of Ulises Heureaux, another dictator. The US used the protectorate status to create an environment that benefited US sugar companies. When the citizens rebelled against further US intervention, President Wilson sent in the marines in 1916. At this time, Trujillo started as a security guard and then joined the national police: “American commanders, impressed with the young man’s intelligence and leadership ability, promoted him rapidly through the ranks” (72).

During his time as leader of the Dominican Republic, Trujillo was responsible for the torture and deaths of thousands upon thousands of his own people, as well as people abroad. The United States continued to support Trujillo since they saw him as a force for economic stability in the region, and stability was paramount for the sugar companies.