52 pages • 1 hour read
Davis counters the Eurocentric, colonialist narratives of environmental determinism and Social Darwinism throughout Late Victorian Holocausts. Nineteenth-century intellectuals and political figures perpetuated these myths to absolve colonialism and imperialism of any blame for the drought-famines that Davis examines.
Environmental determinists suggest that natural phenomena, like climate and access (or lack of access) to natural resources, are responsible for shaping human behavior. Imperial powers, for example, suggested that the climates of the Global South created inferior and “uncivilized” peoples, adding a flimsy veneer of science to Eurocentrism and white supremacy. This determinist perspective ignores human agency in constructing social practices based on multiple factors and ignores social variation across environmentally similar regions and across time.
Charles Darwin’s On the Origin of Species, first published in 1859, put forth the influential theory that evolution occurred through natural selection as life forms competed for survival and the chance to pass on their traits to the next generation. 19th-century imperial powers erroneously applied Darwin’s theories to human communities and individuals, justifying their domination of others as part of a natural order. Social Darwinism contends that various peoples of the world compete for survival and supremacy. Those who hold the most authority, they argued, prove themselves superior through their social, political, and economic hegemony. The imperialist world order was therefore “natural,” according to Social Darwinism.
Davis argues that El Niño was one of multiple factors that caused the drought-famines of the late 19th century. Human responses to climate changes and natural disasters impact the effects of these events. Imperial actions, or the lack thereof, worsened the outcomes of the droughts that affected wide swaths of the Global South. Indeed, Davis shows that prior to the New Imperialism, both China and India had implemented effective systems to cope with drought. Europeans dismantled those systems. For example, Qing China’s 18th-century emperors directly oversaw and regulated grain supply and pricing and “were proactively involved in famine prevention through a broad investment in agricultural improvement, irrigation, and waterborne transportation” (299). By the next century, however, the state was so weakened and subordinate to European influence that it could not effectively respond to the drought-famines of the late Victorian era. Likewise, in colonial India, local infrastructure for water harvesting collapsed, and colonial taxes diverted revenue that otherwise would have maintained irrigation works. These disasters were not solely natural, nor were victims incapable of effectively confronting them, as Social Darwinists suggested. Rather, the British and others prevented colonized peoples from doing so and used these disasters as opportunities to strengthen their imperialist hold on the non-West. Davis asserts that European powers facilitated a genocide as they used environmental crises to their advantage.
Under colonialism, imperial powers exercise social, political, and economic control over land, resources, people, and goods located far from the imperial center. This creation of global, oceanic empires (rather than the contiguous land empires of antiquity) began during the 1500s and continued into the 20th century, with colonial legacies persisting today. For example, Puerto Rico remains a US territory because of the treaty reached after Spanish-Cuban American War in 1898, while British territories today include islands like Bermuda and the Falklands.
Davis uses the term “New Imperialism” to refer to European imperial power during the late 19th century, after the American Revolution, the British defeat of French imperial rivals in North American and south Asia, and the decline of the Spanish Empire. The Industrial Revolution, new technologies, a Western “civilizing” mission, and a desire for wealth and capital drove the New Imperialism. European powers claimed and carved up the continent of Africa, and the English crown exercised direct control over India through the British Raj. The United States also developed a stronger imperialism in the aftermath of the Spanish-Cuban-American War (1898), which resulted in the US seizing control of the Philippines. Davis suggests that New Imperialism resulted in the creation of the “Third World” as colonial powers consciously deprived Indigenous peoples of resources while enriching centers of power in Europe. This environmental colonialism thus altered the natural environments of vast regions of the world, sometimes permanently. In his monograph, Ecological Imperialism (1986), historian Alfred Crosby asserts that Western colonization succeeded because imperial powers changed Indigenous environments. Following Crosby, Davis argues that the drought-famines Westerners exploited and worsened were holocausts that targeted Indigenous populations specifically to foster imperial power and enrich Europe: “The New Imperialism was the third gear of this catastrophic history […] colonial expansion uncannily syncopated the rhythms of natural disaster and epidemic disease” (13).
Imperialist policies not only failed to alleviate suffering but worsened these crises and generated anti-colonial movements that sometimes erupted into violent resistance. As destitute, starved Indians languished in work camps and plague spread, the British Raj planned extravagant celebrations for the Queen Victoria’s Diamond Jubilee. In 1897, Indian revolutionaries assassinated Walter Rand, head of the plague commission, in retaliation for his cruelty toward plague victims. Rand had jailed those suspected of carrying the disease and razed homes. The Boxer Rebellion in China likewise attacked Westerners: “[…] villagers began to attack well-fed Chinese Christians and ‘foreign devils’ at missions. Buddhist priests warned peasants that the drought would continue as long as Christians openly defiled Chinese traditions” (196). German imperial forces retaliated with great brutality, leaving bodies floating in the Pei-ho River, but in the process they generated nationalist resentment that led to subsequent revolution. New Imperialism’s dead hand cast a long shadow.
Liberal capitalism emerged in response to mercantilist economies, in which governments managed trade. In contrast with mercantilism, liberal capitalism holds that power over commerce and trade should be privatized. The Scottish theorist Adam Smith popularized laissez-faire economics in his Wealth of Nations (1776), discouraging governments from intervening in economic matters. Liberals believed that free trade would strengthen ties between trading partners while benefitting the most deserving members of society.
Davis criticizes liberal economic policy because it resulted in limited regulation and the underdevelopment of colonial societies like India. The policies of liberal capitalism and imperialism worked in conjunction to create the “third world.” The British encouraged cotton cultivation on Brazil’s sertáo, displacing crops that local people depended on for their survival. When cotton from the southern US became cheaper and more abundant, the British declared Brazilian imports inferior, and the export of cotton collapsed. In India, the British viceroy, Lord Lytton, refused to control the price of grain as famine set in. The next viceroy, Lord Elgin, followed in his predecessor’s footsteps, condemning charity and importing the punitive, exploitive British institution of the poorhouse to India. Moreover, the British exported to England grain stores that had accumulated in India during the decade between the first wave of famine and the second, making relief more difficult for victims to access. Moreover, India’s Central Provinces were a center of grain exportation to Europe, but this dependence on the English market proved fatal. In 1892:
[…] their British buyers suddenly switched to more attractive sources: a deluge of cheap grain from the Argentine pampas together with high-quality wheat from the canal colonies of the Punjab and western United Provinces (338).
The Brazilian state refused to develop the racially diverse sertão as agricultural and economic production in the region collapsed due to free market forces and severe drought. Brazil’s coinage appreciated when Europe imposed the gold standard, but this appreciation made the sugar and cotton produced in the Nordeste unaffordable. Likewise, Brazilian policy encouraged European immigrant labor on the south’s coffee plantations rather than welcoming Afro-Brazilian workers from the Nordeste. The racist theory of Social Darwinism portrayed the people of the sertão as inferior and left them in a state of underdevelopment by the late 1800s. In Brazil and elsewhere in the Global South, social inequality was public policy.
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