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Huntington defines a civilization as the broadest cultural grouping of people as well as the broadest level of cultural identity. A civilizational identity is something beyond local or even national identifiers. A person from America and a person from Spain will have different local and national identities; according to Huntington, however, they have a shared common identity linked to the culture, norms, and religions practiced across “the West.” Conversely, a man from Germany and a man from Japan will be more aware of the distinct differences between their values and cultures than they would be when each facing someone from their own civilization (the West and Japan, respectively). Huntington lists seven major existing civilizations as the future forces of conflict and power in the world: Western Christian, Confucian, Japanese, Hindu and Buddhist, Islamic, Slavic-Orthodox, and Latin American communities, with African civilization as “possibly” a similarly powerful entity in the future. A common criticism of “The Clash of Civilizations?” is that Huntington treats non-Western cultures as monolithic, as when he groups all of sub-Saharan Africa into one civilization despite the region’s incredible diversity of cultures.
This term describes an individual’s awareness of their place in a greater civilization; it is key to the theme of The Influence of Civilizational Identity, which transcends many other forms of identity, acting as the broadest possible umbrella term short of humanity itself. Consciousness of this aspect of identity often arises when an individual from one civilization encounters someone from another. The differences can foster an “us-versus-them” mentality. The same consciousness can also soothe tensions between different groups from within the same civilization by reminding a person of their similarity to others from within their own community. Huntington illustrates this with the example of African immigration to France. The French population developed civilization consciousness, causing hostilities to rise. Conversely, acceptance of Polish immigrants increased, as the French recognized them as being from the same civilization. Huntington identifies the rise of technology and the accessibility of travel, both of which were booming in the 1990s following the fall of the Iron Curtain, as encouraging the development of civilization consciousness.
Confucianism is a system of belief that pervades several East Asian nations. Founded in Ancient China, it revolves around the unity of the self and heaven. Huntington uses this term in the essay mainly to refer to China and states close to it in geopolitical alignment. Despite having Confucian influences in its culture, Japan is not part of this civilization, according to Huntington; rather, it forms a civilization of one nation, distinct from many of its neighbors. Huntington groups Confucian and Islamic faiths as the major opposition to Western Christianity in the post-Cold War era, developing the theme of Islam as a Rival to the West.
Huntington uses the term “fault line” to describe where two civilizations meet each other. Typically, this is a geographic location between two different nations or cultures. For example, the Finno-Russian border is a fault line between Western Christian Finland and Slavic-Orthodox Russia. Fault lines are sites where the differences of civilizations are most on display. Huntington is careful to clarify that differences do not always mean conflict and that conflict doesn’t always mean violence. However, he asserts that the longest and most violent conflicts in history happen on the fault lines between civilizations.
Huntington’s vision of post-1990s geopolitics hinges on the idea of kin-country syndrome. This is a phenomenon that arises when two civilizations become embroiled in a conflict. Each will naturally try to gain support from other nations and groups from their own civilization, making appeals to shared history, values, and culture. For example, Saddam Hussein rallied support from Islamic nations after calling attention to interference from Western countries with opposing values and goals. Huntington admits that civilization rallying, as of the date of publication, has been limited. However, the longer a conflict drags on, the more support for each side will fall along civilizational lines—a point that Huntington illustrates with reference to global conflicts in the Persian Gulf, the Caucasus, and Bosnia. Populist politicians, religious leaders, and the media will find kin-country syndrome to be a potent means of galvanizing public support. Huntington speculates that if there is another world war, it will be a war between civilizations.
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