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Summary
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An open society is a dynamic and pluralistic society in which democratic institutions defend free thinking, universalism, humanitarianism, and social mobility. This is a society that prioritizes the rights and responsibilities of the individual over one’s traditional ties and affiliations as part of the collective. This concept was initially introduced by the French thinker Henri Bergson in 1932 and further developed by Karl Popper. Popper contrasts an open society with a closed society. The latter chooses the tribal collective over the individual and is rigidly structured based on traditions and taboos. An open society welcomes outside influence, whereas a closed society shuns it.
In The Open Society and Its Enemies, Popper traces the development of an open society as part of the theory of knowledge, rather than politics, by focusing on three key philosophers, Plato, Hegel, and Marx. First, he locates the movement toward such a society in the Athenian democracy during Plato’s lifetime embodied by intellectuals like Socrates as well as the Athenian maritime commerce and information exchange. Plato, however, viewed social and political change as decay that occurs when one moves further away from the ideal Forms. In politics, Plato advocated for the control of the state over the individual, in which collectivist cohesion was one of the guarantors of social stability. Popper also challenges Plato’s belief in the Golden Age of the past: “We can return to the beasts, but if we wish to remain human, then there is only one way, the way into the open society” (189).
Second, Popper locates further developments toward an open society in the ideas of the French Revolution of 1789, such as equality. A reactionary response came from the powerful Prussian state in the early 19th century. Popper argues that Hegel served the Prussian state and developed a system of philosophical justification of Prussian absolutism. This system relied on historicism to justify the concept of might is right and on dialectics to convert ideas into their opposites—for instance, by undermining the necessity of a constitution that would limit the power of a leader. Furthermore, the author locates Hegelianism at the root of 20th-century totalitarian movements. For instance, he demonstrates the way in which a powerful state was intrinsic to fascism, and the way in which the racialist aspects of fascism replaced the Hegelian Spirit—as the driving force in history—with blood (race).
Finally, Popper undertakes a critique of Marx’s theory of social revolution. The latter believed such social revolution would lead to the dictatorship of the working class and, ultimately, to the disappearance of classes and the state altogether under a new socialist system. Popper demonstrates the error of Marx’s prediction by using a real-life example of the Russian Revolution of 1917. Rather than withering away, the new Soviet state became more powerful, and a new ruling class of proletarian background emerged. In other words, the Russian Revolution did not move closer to Popper’s open-society ideal, but rather away from it.
Throughout his work, Popper proposes his own ideas for guaranteeing and improving an open society. Democratic institutions backed by majority rule are the only ones capable of guaranteeing freedom of thought and individual rights as well as thwarting capitalist excesses through state interventionism, such as anti-trust laws and taxation. He also advocates for a gradual, piecemeal social engineering to improve society as an alternative to Plato’s, Hegel’s, and Marx’s grandiose schemes of reorganizing the world at large.
Historicism plays a central role throughout The Open Society and Its Enemies. The moderate definition of historicism argues that the knowledge of history is necessary to inform one’s understanding of specific events of the past. However, Popper relies on a more radical definition. For him, historicism is the use of history as a prophecy to explain past or present events—and to forecast future events. It is “the claim that the realm of social sciences coincides with that of historical or evolutionary method, and especially with historical prophecy” (316). In its most extreme form, historicism is therefore used to interpret history as destiny or fate, in which individuals are swept up by historic events or epochs beyond their control.
The German philosopher Karl Wilhelm Friedrich Schlegel was one of the first thinkers to emphasize the importance of history. He used the term “historicism” in a way that points to its predictive character. For instance, fragment 80 in his journal Athenaeum stated, “The historian is the prophet facing backwards.” (Crimmins, Jonathan. The Romantic Historicism to Come, New York: Bloomsbury Academic, 2018, p. 57). However, Popper underscores the reliance on historicist thinking from the dawn of Western intellectual tradition before the term was coined.
For this reason, the author dedicated his book The Poverty of Historicism (1957) to fully dissecting this subject matter. For him, historicism serves as the foundation of Modern totalitarian movements. It is extremely harmful because it takes away both human agency and responsibility for one’s own actions. For instance, Popper sees Hegelianism—the philosophy that informs Marxism—as the worst offender. It is “so far the purest, the most developed and the most dangerous form of historicism” (293). Marx used sociological methodology and the economic iteration of historicism to make his predictions (341). He believed that the very nature of capitalism and its numerous internal contradictions will lead to a boiling point, which will precipitate a social revolution. This social revolution will establish the dictatorship of the proletariat, which will eventually dissolve with the state along with all classes as such, in a new egalitarian, socialist society. Not only does this prediction remove all agency from the working class Marx sought to empower, but successful revolutions in places like Russia (USSR) proved to have the opposite consequences, such as the formation of a more powerful state and a new ruling class from the ranks of the working-class revolutionary leaders. Popper considers the Russian Revolution as powerful evidence of the erroneous thinking that historicism provides.
Of course, Marxist movements are not the only ones to rely on Hegelian historicism. Popper also describes the way fascism replaced the Hegelian Spirit of History with a materialist conception of blood (race). For fascists, and especially Nazis (National Socialists), it is the nation’s blood that informs its destiny (273).
Popper goes back even further in time and analyzes the historicist thinking to which the Greek philosopher Plato subscribed. The author views Plato as the pinnacle of ancient Greek historicism (10). Plato’s emphasis on the collective—rather than the individual—and its destiny as well as on great leaders, epitomized by his concept of the philosopher-king, both exhibit historicist tendencies (7-8). Likewise, Plato’s Theory of Forms or Ideas is used to arrive at historic periodization in which the Golden Age of humankind is located in the ancient past, while historic progress demonstrates corruption and decay.
Throughout The Open Society and Its Enemies, Popper goes beyond simply criticizing Plato, Hegel, and Marx and presents his own constructive solutions. He locates the role of the individual above the collective and advocates for establishing various types of democratic institutions as guarantors of one’s rights, freedoms, and responsibilities. Ultimately, the author discounts the notion of historic destiny as anti-scientific: “The future depends on ourselves, and we do not depend on any historic necessity” (xliv).
The Open Society and Its Enemies comprises extensive criticism of three key philosophers in the Western intellectual tradition—Plato, Hegel, and Marx. However, its author, Karl Popper, goes beyond this criticism and proposes his own solutions to several social, economic, and political problems discussed in this work. Indeed, Popper’s proposals are the sine qua non that serves as constructive criticism. These broad-scale issues include the rights and responsibilities of an individual as a citizen, the establishment and the optimal form of a government, the scope of this government’s reach in key areas of a well-functioning society, and the necessity—and the limits—of state interventionism in the economy.
Popper prefers the democratic form of government, akin to contemporary welfare states of Western Europe, within the ideological liberal framework. He considers this form of government to be the optimal foundation for the development of his ideal open society. In this society, the individual is prioritized over the collective, which Popper views as a form of tribalism (8). This government is to be a representative majority-rule democracy. Popper considers the latter to be the best possible guarantor of preventing the rise of a tyrant (117).
This particular criticism addresses Plato’s ideal ruler, the philosopher-king, since Popper sees no way to guarantee—through either his personal characteristics or his educational background—that his leadership would be adequate (129-146). At the same time, the author does not subscribe to the de-facto goodness of majority rule. He is also a specialist in the study of institutions. In light of his expertise, Popper maintains that any institutional changes must occur in a careful and gradual manner. Popper refers to this as institutional “piecemeal engineering” and considers it the only “methodologically sound” approach (148). This suggestion stands in contrast to grandiose proposals to rework the entire society by Plato, Hegel, and Marx, which Popper considers utopian (338).
On the economic front, Popper expresses his sympathies toward Marx’s criticism of the inner workings of capitalism, while denouncing Marx’s historicist prophecy as a failure. The author emphasizes the fact that labor conditions have already been gradually improving over time with workspace safety protocols, the elimination of child labor, the introduction of a reasonable workweek, and others. However, the author acknowledges that much remains to be done. Specifically, Popper concedes that Marx accurately described the trend of accumulating wealth in fewer and fewer hands—the oligarchy—over time. As a result, Popper proposes state interventionism into the economy with the appropriate taxation codes for big business, specifically, and anti-trust laws to counter corporate monopolization (376).
Ultimately, Popper’s suggestions for reforming society for the better demonstrate a careful approach cognizant of the failures of historic precedents, which attempted to do so on a grand scale. These proposals represent a strong undercurrent of constructive criticism throughout The Open Society and Its Enemies.
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