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McMillan Cottom defines Blackness as “necessarily static as a counterweight to whiteness” (9). Blackness is the fixed idea that Whiteness defines itself against. Blackness is something that is imagined by White people as “a fixed, homogenous biological project that supersedes culture, nation, and environment,” (135) an idea that has never held up in reality. McMillan Cottom defines Whiteness as a paradox. In contrast, “blackness is not a paradox. Blackness is” (111). In “Black Girlhood, Interrupted,” McMillan Cottom analyzes how Whiteness views Black girls as less deserving of protection and more grown up, which impacts how they are treated by both men and society at large.
McMillan Cottom distinguishes between types of Blackness and their perceived value. She identifies herself as basic Black, or Black-Black, someone who reflects the typical American Black experience. As she accrued education and therefore social capital, her “social status necessitated that I perform or at least desire a different kind of blackness” (146), what she calls “special Black.” She holds up President Obama as typical of special Black, someone who is “Black and biracial and immigrant and Black ethnic” (146). Obama’s complicated relationship to Blackness is described by McMillan Cottom as follows:
My first black president seems to think that he could raise his daughters to believe in systemic racism without legitimizing the idea of systemic reparations. He thinks that he can be his brother’s keeper without changing the policies, laws, and investments that keep his brothers in bad jobs, in poor neighborhoods, with bad educational options, and at the bottom of the social hierarchy. My first black president seems to think he can have black cool without black burden (117).
She describes how Obama was desirable to White people because he could “change blackness for them without being black to them” (114). White people could therefore accept Blackness but on their own terms.
As a sociologist, McMillan Cottom’s work analyzes class as it relates to status, income, and wealth. She describes, “if my work is about anything it is about making plain precisely how prestige, money, and power structure our so-called democratic institutions so that most of us will always fail” (207). Throughout her essays, she highlights how economic privilege and status are used to maintain hierarchies and replicate social advantages. This particularly disadvantages Black women. In “The Price of Fabulousness,” she analyzes how narratives about the poor financial decisions that poor people make are a way of shifting the blame to the individual. In contrast, she argues that economic inequality is structural. People buy status symbols or expensive clothing because it means that people will treat them with more respect:
I learned, watching my mother, that there was a price we had to pay to signal to gatekeepers that we were worthy of engaging. It meant dressing well and speaking well. It might not work. It likely wouldn’t work, but on the off chance that it would, you had to try (163).
Because of class privilege and class expectations, the value of status symbols often comes down to the recognition that “they cannot afford to not have it” (169). Classist attitudes are used to justify the exploitation of poor people. As McMillan Cottom gains educational credentials and develops her public reputation, she increases her social capital and class position, which shapes how people engage with her. However, she also documents how her rising class position is complicated by her Blackness. This is most exemplified when her hospital blames her for her newborn’s death during her traumatic birth experience.
Throughout Thick, McMillan Cottom argues for the significance of Black women’s perspectives. In “Thick,” she shows how the denigration of the personal essay as a genre undermines the claims of Black women to public intellectual space. Denied most forms of legitimacy, the personal essay becomes the primary genre where people of color and women are able to express their opinions and show their expertise. She describes how Black women are expected to perform their pain or describe their tragedies in order to be considered authoritative public voices. They are rarely asked to opine about banal, everyday things. She outlines her own approach to the personal essay and how she links her personal experiences with structural analysis. McMillan Cottom uses her own experience of being told she writes too much to consider how the experiences of Black women are exploited by media publications that want Black voices but don’t want to put them on their masthead.
In “Girl 6,” McMillan Cottom concludes her essay collection with a reflection on how “a Professional Smart Person can be so without ever reading a black woman, ever interviewing a black woman, ever following a black woman, or ever thinking about a black woman’s existence” (219). Analyzing the Twitter engagement of David Brooks and Jonathan Chait, two prominent opinion columnists, she shows how Black women’s voices are excluded from public discourse. She calls for more Black women being paid to write and think in the public sphere. The dismissal of Black women has its roots in anti-Blackness. She also shows how Black women are frequently ignored in other contexts. For instance, in 2014, President Obama created a task force for young Black men, but it took significant pressure to get a task force for young Black women, and it remained underfunded. She also shows how Black women are expected to support and prop up Black men, even when they do not treat Black women well. Society often doesn’t value the expertise of Black women, but McMillan Cottom argues that is a mistake, as the experiences and intellectual work of Black women is deeply important.
A significant theme that runs through all of the essays is Whiteness. Whiteness is a shorthand for the privilege and power accrued by people classified as White. McMillan Cottom describes Whiteness as a culture that unites around a shared goal of protecting the status and privilege of White people. Whiteness is a construction that has evolved over time, changing to adapt to social change, what McMillan Cottom calls the elasticity of Whiteness. While Blackness is a fixed category,
Whiteness has the political power to be elastic. Originating as it does not from nation or kin but from the primordial ooze of capitalism, whiteness can only be defined by state power. It requires a legal system that can formalize irrational biological expressions, making them rational. It needs a justice system that will adjudicate the arbitrary inclusion and exclusion of people across time. And, most of all, whiteness requires a police state that can use violent force to defend its sovereignty (135).
Culturally, Whiteness is often classified as neutral and a baseline normal. This functions to make other cultures and races outside of the norm which reinforces the power of Whiteness. White racial identities define themselves against Blackness: Whiteness requires Blackness to function. She summarizes:
Whiteness, the idea, the identity tethered to no nation of origin, no place, no gods, exists only if it can expand enough to defend its position over every group that challenges the throne. White is being European until it needs to also be Irish because of the Polish who can eventually be white if it means that Koreans cannot. For that situational dominance to reproduce itself, there must be a steady pole. That pole is blackness (112).
As McMillan Cottom shows in her essays, White identity is complex and elastic and because Whiteness holds social power, it is able to define who is White and who is not. As a construction, Whiteness confers structural advantages to people classified as White, ensuring the reproduction of its own power as “Whiteness necessitates black subjugation” (111). McMillan Cottom shows how this functioning in many different ways. For example, beauty norms are tied to Whiteness. Lighter skinned Black women are considered closer to Whiteness, and therefore more beautiful, but “by definition, black women are not beautiful except for any whiteness that may be in them” (56). In the conclusion to “Know Your Whites,” McMillan Cottom concludes that White people will always protect their Whiteness.
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